On the map of Asia, there
is a range of mountains running down the spine of Annam that marks the boundary
between the Chinese and Indian cultures: everything northwest is Chinese and
everything west and south is Indian. This part of Asia comprising Burma,
Thailand, Vietnam, Laos, Malay, Cambodia and the islands of Java, Sumatra, Bali,
and the Philippines might be called Indianized Asia.
The concept of Southeast
Asia as a political entity emerged during World War II at the Quebec Conference
in August 1943. The Western Allies
decided to establish a separate South East Asia Command (SEAC) embracing Burma,
Malay, Thailand, Malay and Borneo. Subsequently
in July 1945 this was extended over the East Indies and Indo-China excluding
northern Vietnam, the Philippines, and Laos. The immediate postwar years
(1945-48) were dominated by the problems of rehabilitation and struggles for
independence when the Philippines and Burma, along with India, Pakistan, and
Ceylon parted from the colonial powers.
Policies were made for independence of Malay and Borneo, whereas
decolonization in Indonesia and Vietnam was to come through successful military
Between 1949 and 1959, however, Indonesia, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam
independence and Singapore attained internal self-government. But the following
period up to 1975 was full of political upheavals with a cold war between the
superpowers. War and revolutions for
rival ideological models, such as the US-backed South-East Asia Treaty
Organization and the Russo-Chinese support for the Left-wing movement led to
rifts between states: communist and anti-communist, non-aligned and
neo-colonialist, radicals and traditionalists, subversives and
constitutionalists. This period covered the second Indo-China war, which brought
foreign involvements dominating the development throughout this area. This coincided with the Cultural Revolution
in China and aspirations to Malay brotherhood causing an armed confrontation
between Malaysia and Indonesia (1963-66). The Association of South-East Asian
Nations (ASEAN) was formed in 1967 with national identity criteria such as
religion (Buddhism in Burma), language (Malay), or ethnic affinity, stressing a
common secular approach to modernization, while acknowledging the diversity in
religion, language and ethnicity, as in Indonesia and later in Singapore.
But the geographical and
political identity of this region constructed during the colonial and
postcolonial era does not support an integrated cultural identity. This is
because of the notorious heterodoxy in religion and language, and the administrative
ideologies that ruled over this region through external invasion and trade that
started as early as the second century CE, the major forces in such influences
being Indian and Chinese.
Later historians mark that
the earliest record of Southeast Asia began with the arrival of Chinese
soldiers and officials along the shores of the South China Sea towards the end
of the third century BCE. They mention
the existence of many polities distributed across the terrain of this region by
that time. But the cultural history of
this region cannot be traced beyond the third century BCE, prior to the arrival
of the Buddhist missionaries sent by the Mauryan emperor Asoka. Their administrative
ideology, religious practices formulating literary, architectural, sculptural
and musical traditions dominated the culture of this region for more than a
millennium (the third century BCE to the fourteenth century CE). With a happy blending of the aboriginal
religious cults and language, both the Buddhist and Brahmanic traditions of
classical and medieval India brought unity to the cultural ecology of this
region. Thus the two major language families in the region, (1) the
Austroasiatic and Austronasian and (2) the Tibeto-Burman and Tai-Kadai, were
restructured by the two major Indian languages, classical Sanskrit and Pali.
The present Europeanized names of different lands of this area are Sanskrit
However, May writes, “When
the Aryan Indians reached the islands they found not uncultured savages, but
organized societies, endowed with a definite form of civilization, which have
certain common features with their own, if not developed to such a high degree.” Therefore, the
architectural and sculptural styles of these lands during the Buddhist and
Brahmanic heritage retained their pre-Indian cultural individuality and “are
just as obviously derived from India, as those seen in Ancient Malay, Siam or
Cambodia.” Further, while observing
the Chinese and Indian interaction wit h these lands, May wrote, “The
interesting point is that, while China employed military force to conquer that
portion of Indo-China which still shows her influence, India never used
aggression to obtain her ends. Indeed, so far from being exterminated by ‘their
conquerors,’ the aborigines of the various Indianized States found, Coedes
says, ‘a framework inside which their own social life and customs could merge
May also remarks that the countries of southeastern
Asia “derived their religion and culture from India during the first millennium
of the Christian era.”
May concluded, “India,
indeed, once it recovered its independence of outlook, about the second century
of the Christian era, began to exercise a profound cultural influence on its
neighbours to the eastward – Burma, Siam, Malay, Cambodia, Java and Ceylon all
falling beneath its sway. And this, as far as one may judge, almost entirely as
a result of trading and peaceful penetration by missionaries and others, and
not by force of arms.” In this regard, Legge quoted Coedes as well,
“the imprint of the Indian gains which gives the countries . . .a family likeness
and produces a clean contrast between these countries and the lands that have
been civilized by China.” And Legge divided Southeast Asian history
into (1) prehistory (2) Indian influence from the fifth to the thirteenth
centuries, (3) penetration of Islam in the Malay peninsula and Indonesian
archipelago (fifteenth to sixteenth centuries), and (4) European colonialism (sixteenth
century to early twentieth century).
The German scholar Wilhelm von
Humboldt used race and language to explore the cultural identity of Indianized
Asia in his introduction to the study of the kawi language of Java in the 1840s. His brother Alexander Humboldt,
perhaps for the first time in history, identified this area as “South-East
Asia” in his preface to the book).
Wilhelm Humboldt identified all the inhabitants as the Malay race: “I include
under this name”, he noted, “along with the population of Malacca, the
inhabitants of all the islands of the great southern ocean, whose languages
belong to one and the same stock with that called Malay in the narrower sense. . ..”
In their early phase of civilization, the inhabitants were skilled navigators
and spoke languages grammatically close and mutually explicable. The “an speech-community extends over that
whole area of the South Asiatic Ocean which runs southwards from the
Philippines down to the Western coasts of New Guinea, and then West about the
island chains adjoining the eastern up to Java, into the waters of Java and
Sumatra, up to the strait of Malacca.”
Humboldt asserted the primacy of
Indian influence on the language, religion, and culture of the Malay race:
“India alone had a truly profound effect on its earlier shaping prior to this
influence there being no higher degree of culture.” By ‘Indian,’ Humboldt meant the Sanskrit-speaking
branch of Aryans, not the inhabitants of the Indian mainland. At the same time
he was aware of “two deep-lying questions, evoked by factual circumstances, but
difficult to answer with certainty: whether, that is, the whole civilization of
the archipelago is entirely of Indian origin? and whether, too, from a period
preceding all literature and the latest and the most refined development of
speech, there have existed connections between Sanskrit and Malay languages in
the widest sense, that can still be demonstrated in the common elements of
speech?” He observed that prior to the Indian influence there was an indigenous
civilization among the “brown race” of the archipelago that gradually
assimilated the Aryan culture:
Even the whole way in which Hinduism
struck roots among the Malay peoples shows that as a spiritual force it again
excited the mind, set the imagination to work, and became powerful through the
impression wrought upon the admiration of peoples capable of development….But
in order to arrive at a just assessment of the mingling of Indian and Malay
elements, and the influence of India on the whole south-eastern archipelago, we
must distinguish the various modes of its operation, and start, indeed,
precisely from that which, however early it may have begun, has been prolonged
into most recent times, because it has also, of course, left the clearest and
most unmistakable traces behind it. Here the influence is exerted, not only –
as in all mingling of peoples – by the alien tongue speakers, but also by the
whole culture that has blossomed in and with it. Now such influence is undeniably
visible in the transference of Indian languages, literature, myths and
religious philosophy to Java.
This assessment has historical
significance but contemporary scholarship differs. The main theory is that the
languages of south-east Asia and the Pacific derive originally from sources
that left Taiwan, and that Sanskrit is a later influence.
The Malay islands were conquered by
Indian rulers during the sixth century, who controlled them until the advent of
Islam in the fifteenth century. The major religions during this time were
Mahayana Buddhism and Brahmanism with its two principal wings, Vaishnavism and
Saivism. The Sanskrit language dominated these religious sects. The two great
Sanskrit poems, the Mahabharata and
the Ramayana were Vaisnavite-themed
and depicted Krsna and Rama as their heroes.
These were adopted and adapted and achieved immense popularity. During this time a new language emerged that
was particularly suitable for writing in the Brahmic script, a hybrid of
Sanskrit and the existing native Malay language of the Austric branch called kawi (kavi), and mentioned by Humboldt. Two great poems, titled Brata (Bharata/ Mahabharata) Yuddha (The Battle of the Mahabharata) and Bhomantaka (The End of Bhoma/ Bhima), were also composed in this kaw(v)i language.
The Sanskrit word kavi is derived from the root kav,
meaning “to make or create.” Thus kavi in Sanskrit stands for a poet
signifying his creativity. This new, “creative” language, adopting the richness
of Sanskrit diction and meter, was considered more expressive than the native language
for writing poems, and became the court language of the Indian rulers. The
poems were probably composed during the eighth to tenth centuries. The poem Bhomantaka was composed in the
sophisticated Sanskrit meters, including sragdhara.
the present time, kawi is a dead language, but it is used still in Indonesian
shadow puppet plays, for instance in conversations between royal characters. Although most of those in the audience do not
understand kawi, the conversations always get reported in the plays by servants
in a colloquial language.
In the tenth century, literature,
drama, and music developed rapidly to produce a Javanised Hindu worldview that
included both Buddhism and Saivism, which have evolved into modern times with a
remarkable degree of continuity. What
happened to the dissonance in the eighth and ninth centuries should be
interpreted as an early phase of Javanizing non-indigenous religious symbols
from more than one source. By the end of the tenth century, Sanskrit texts were
being translated into Javanese.
Early in the seventh century, Malay
was a meeting place of Chinese monks and Indian Mahayana Buddhists. In fact,
political ambitions appeared to have acquired religious sanction through
association with the spread of Buddhist or Saivite thought. Following this
religious association, Chinese merchants mediated subsequent diplomatic
relations among India, Malaya, Java, and China in the tenth century. Subsequently, Malaya became the center for
both religious and intellectual transactions. According to Chinese records, the
Sui dynasty listed a collection of as many as sixty Sanskrit texts on Indian
astronomy and several others on Indian medicines. Surgical techniques in
ophthalmology, pediatrics, and gynecology were also translated during the last
century of the Tang Dynasty. All this knowledge
contributed greatly to the shaping of early Malay culture. This is the period when
the two kav(w)i epics mentioned above
must have been written, along with the organization and reconstruction of the
performing arts, such as music, dance, and drama.
The Sanskrit critical canons that
guided the Malay arts are presumably those by Bharata, Bhamaha, Vamana,
Udbhata, Rudrata, and Dandi and not those of the New School poeticians, such as
Anandavardhana and Abhinavagupta, who formulated ninth- and tenth-century Dhvani theory. For earlier critics during the eighth and ninth
centuries, kavi-karma, or writing
poetry, consisted chiefly in narrating ornamental language with both phonetic
and semantic figures in prescribed meters.
This is exemplified in the Malay poem Bhomantaka, which is composed in Sragdhara meter. Thus poetic
language was distinguished from the common language by its rhetorical
character. The Malay kawi language is
therefore dictional. Bhamaha (seventh and eighth century) defines poetry (kavya/ kavikarma) as rhetorical language (kavyam alankarah). On the other hand, darma was defined by Bharata
(fourth century BCE to second century CE) as a mimesis or representation of
action (lokavrtta). It has four constituents: physical gestures, dialogues, facial
expressions and costume, and these generate a specific/ extraordinary delight
called rasa (literally juice) in the
audience. Drama was considered a
performance, not a text. That is, it was
a theatrical presentation of characters, physical gestures, and mental feelings
(vibhava, anubhava and vyabhicaribhava)
that express an emotion (bhava).
Some recent scholars commit anachronistic
and critical errors in applying the rasa-dhvani
theory of Ananda and Abhinava to the analysis of Javanese Gamelan music. The key points in the Sanskrit rasa theory are that only two art forms,
theater and poetry, generate rasa,
the former by (re)presenting an emotion through characters and stimulants (vibhava), physical gestures (anubhava), and mental feelings (vyabhicara bhava), and the latter by
emotion through the specific linguistic potency called vyanjana dhvani, being
its meaning context. Rasa never means “meaning”; rasa is never applied to words as
Clifford Geertz states and Susan Walton elaborates.
Walton commits a further anachronism by placing Bharata in the eighth century. Historians confirm that the Pancaratra Vaisnavism, which developed
during the early classical period (fourth century BCE to seventh century CE),
was introduced to Cambodia (see the inscription of Jayavarman I).
But the Saivism that was introduced to this region was that of the
Pasupati-Nakulisa School, not of the Kashmirian School. The type of
Saivite-Buddhist Tantrism practiced by Kirtanagar was certainly not of the
Rasa experience, moreover, should not be
confused or identified with the mystic experience of a yogin or Tantric
Expanding a concept in its intercultural applications is welcome, provided it
does not violate its foundational principles and historical limitations. Therefore, the word rasa used in the expression rasa sejati has no conceptual reference
to Bharata’s concept of rasa, which is generated only by a
full-fledged theatrical performance, not just by music or dance. Sanskrit
critics would not recommend generating rasa
in Gamelan music, but Gamelan performers and theorists may certainly adapt the
word and the concept without damaging its original signification.
According to this theory,
music, dance, and the visual arts are unable to generate rasa (or this specific delight) because their presentation is only
partial. In the language of semiotics, theater presents a composite sign system
(gestural, auditory, visual, and verbal) that the other arts cannot achieve.
Transplantation of rasa from theater to poetry was attempted by
Anandavardhana and his follower Abhinavagupta during the ninth and tenth
centuries. One can, therefore, comfortably assert that Bharata’s Natyasastra (Dramaturgy) available to the classical Malay culture was without
Abhinavagupta’s celebrated commentary Abhinavabharati.
However, at this stage of the Malay
culture, the Brahmanic and Buddhist religious arts of architecture, sculpture,
and painting, and the Sanskrit texts on poetics and dramaturgy, evidently shaped
Malay sensibility and aesthetics: “The general features of both the
architecture and sculpture,” wrote May, “although possessing a strong
individuality of their own, have a definite affinity with certain of those
found in the Malay Peninsula and are just as obviously derived from India as
those seen in Ancient Malay, Siam and Cambodia.”
During the entire fifteenth
century, religious Islamic culture spread over Southeast Asia, encouraging
translation of Arabic texts into the Malay language. The translators were Arab
traders and locals who went to Mecca, Madinah, and Egypt for proper education. But there are no records of the direct or
indirect impact of Islamic ideology on aesthetic activities in the region,
either supplanting the Indian/Brahmin tradition altogether or formulating any
hybrid form, although the Islamic prohibition against human depiction certainly
led to marked changes in the style of Javanese shadow puppets, for instance. The texts written in the pre-Islamic period
have been preserved in eighteenth and nineteenth century Balinese manuscripts
that are now called Javanese. Somehow
Javanese Islamic literature penetrated into mercantile middle class
communities. About 1500, the last Majapahit king, ousted from the royal
position by Muslim insurgents, found refuge in Bali, where the rulers did not
embrace Islam and allowed the preservation of the old Javanese literature of
the Brahmanic domination. Around the eighteenth century, the native Balinese
language was used as the medium of literary activity, paving the way for a
second flourishing period that continues still.
On the other hand, in the
coastal areas of Java Pasisir (coast/coastal line), literature emerged as an
amalgamation of pre-Islamic and Islamic cultures. In the island of Lombok, a
remarkable Islamic Javan Balinese literature came into existence. During the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Javanese cultural center was the courts
of the inland central kingdoms in Kartasura, Surakarta, and Yogyakarta. The
Surakarta authors, called “pujanggas,” spread all over Java. Subsequently, the
Surakarta renaissance literature superseded the Pasisir tradition, and
Surakarta court idiom, with its rigid rules of class distinction in vocabulary,
was accepted as exemplary.
The differences between the Pasisir and the
Renaissance Islamic cultures are both geographical and ideological.
Geographically, the Pasisir culture was inter-insular, confined to the maritime
districts of the islands, and using different languages and idioms. The
renaissance in Pujangg culture was courtly in character. Belonging to the interior area, it used court
idioms of Surakarta and Yogyakarta, and was unified and nationalistic. Pasisir,
on the other hand, was a culture of the middle class. The renaissance culture,
with its Islamic foundation and interest in the pre-Islamic belletristic
literature, was meant for the elite. The renaissance authors adapted the kawi epics into modern historical,
romantic, and theatrical poems. The Wayang theater became the favorite pastime
at the court; plays were composed by the royal family members suitable for
their elitist taste and ways of life. This phase of the Javanese culture stimulated
a strong sense of cultural unity, a common spiritual sphere of the priyayi, the gentleman of Java, and was
considered by the elite as the only genuine Javanese (modern) civilization.
The Dutch ruled Java from
1619 to 1798, and the British from 1811 to 1816 under Sir Stanford Raffles, who
founded Singapore in 1819 and published his History
of Java in 1817. After the Napoleonic wars, Java was handed back to the
Dutch in exchange for Ceylon, and the Dutch ruled it until the formation of the
Republic of Indonesia, except for a brief occupation by the Japanese during World
War II. The Surakarta authors did have contact with Dutch scholars during the
nineteenth century, but it
was not enough to develop forms of modern European literature, such as the
novel, short story, and realistic drama. These had to wait until the 1920s or
1930s. The Javanese sensibility favored the Wayang theater of fantasy over the modern European
literature of realism and modernism that dealt with the problems of
contemporary human society. At the same
time, the shadow puppet play included long comic sections devoted to current
political satire, for instance, and the stories often concern ideals of
justice, ethics, and honor.
With conservatism ruling Javanese
sensibility, the art forms Java produced during the international epochs of
realism and modernism concern myths and legends of the cultural heritage of the
Indonesian civilization. The only exception was perhaps the paintings of The Philippines
and Bali during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that enthusiastically adopted
the European style.
David Chou-Shulin is skeptical of the
existence of any integrated aesthetic culture in the Southeast Asian islands
against the backdrops of historical, ethnic, and political differences.
Nevertheless, he believes it is possible, although difficult, to identify
common characteristics. One is the
concept of semangat (animism), which
refers to the belief that “there is some form of life-force that animates all
aspects of the universe.”
This is clearly the core of the Indian philosophy of cosmic energy (sakti) and consciousness (caitanya) that explains the Upanishadic
concept of an ultimate reality, called Brahman, that pervades the whole
universe and from which all living beings (bhutani
jayanti) are born, live (jatani
jivanti), and finally merge into. However, Chou-Shulin is incorrect in holding that
Hinduism does not distinguish between sensuous joy and spiritual bliss.
The Indian theory of rasa considers
aesthetic pleasure (natya/ kavya) or rasa as the twin brother of spiritual
bliss (Brahmasvada sahodara), but it never
Other scholars have explored the “modern”
reaction to the Buddhist tradition in Thai art that lasted for more than seven
centuries. Following Suwanna Satha-Anand,
we may correlate the concept of semangat with
Buddhadasa’s ideas of reformulating the Buddhist theory of emptiness (sunyata) that negates any possibility of
sensory beauty and aesthetic appreciation. The cosmos is a conscious existence.
Buddhadasa argued against the idea that the life of a Buddhist saint, who is
without passion, is a dry, dead life. On the contrary, he affirmed the joyful
and aesthetic quality of an enlightened life. Ultimate beauty in Buddhism is to
live beyond suffering. Buddhadasa used
the term ‘art’ in two different ways, first as in ”art of living” and second in
the sense of an artwork, that leads to the cessation of suffering.
As noted earlier, in the history of
Southeast Asian culture, visual arts of classical origin, with their Buddhist
and Brahmanic Indian base, have undergone modifications under the influence of
European perspectives. Literary art, however,
retains its classical and medieval traditions, and the performing arts continue
their courtly pattern, though in a slightly updated form. No Western canon has yet been systematically
followed for formulating any philosophy of art and literature, except in the case
of painting, which presents a marginalized modernist attitude. Sculptures still
follow the classical Indian aesthetical norms. As it presently stands,
Southeast Asian culture carries its original, particularly Indian, South Asian
heritage, tinged with Chinese, Islamic and modern European effects.
This special volume presents five
essays. Stephen Davies earlier published an essay in which he distinguished
Balinese aesthetics from its Western counterpart.
He traced the ideas of the creativity of the artist, and unity and balance
between elements and form. One can
explore the Sanskrit origin of the word taksu
in the root taks, meaning to create,
make, or shape. The complex decorative detail and as many as two hundred dance
positions that Davies catalogued can also be traced to their Indian origin, the
different mudras prescribed by both
Bharata and Nandikesvara, canonized for expressing emotions and feelings. The
religious foundation of art that Davies noted in the Balinese performing arts
is clearly of Indian origin. In view of these observations, one can comfortably
say that Balinese aesthetic sensibility reflects the classical Indian aesthetic
principles and theories.
essay by Davies in the present volume highlights the conservation of the
Balinese Legong dance, a genre of some twenty dances that originated in court
culture. This dance was traditionally
for semar pegulingan or pelgongan gamelans.
Its renovation and conservation have been encouraged and supported by
Westerners, but the dance is now more often accompanied by a gong kebyar
gamelan. As discussed earlier, Susan
Walton has explored the rasa-aspect
of gamelan music, whereas Davies does not comment on this aspect of the dance
form. The aesthetic preference in
general was for the weightier tone of gong kebyar, but fans of legong have
never regarded gong kebyar as better for accompanying legong.
Poshyananda highlights the Javanese shadow puppet play (Wayang Kulit) and its
thematic origin in the Indian epic Mahabharata,
the most popular in the Southeast Asian literary heritage, adapted often in the
native performing arts of music, dance,
and drama. The pleasure derived from
this performance is not merely entertainment but an aesthetic delight that
harmonizes the taste of the religious Hindus, Buddhists and Muslims sects,
thereby transforming the Hindu themes to a secular form of art. Poshyananda provides valuable information
about an important art form of the Southeast Asian aesthetic heritage. He
offers a historical backdrop in the rise of court culture in Yogyakarta and the
origin of the puppet dance during the classical period. Its Brahmanic aesthetic taste did not succumb
to modernization and globalization to the same degree as in Jakarta or Bali.
Using the Western idiom of semiotics,
John Clark studies the development of modernity in late twentieth-century Thai
anti-icons and images. He traces the transformation of court taste and
sensibility from the introduction of modern European art by the art school of
Corado Ferari, an Italian who settled in Thailand. This movement from the
pre-modern to the modern, and even to the postmodern from 1973 to today, has
contributed towards reshaping religious and secular iconography. The Brahmanic,
Buddhist and animist worldviews and ideologies have been revived by Western
technology and topography. “The approach of this essay,” Clark writes, “is to
consider that there was some kind of epistemological break in the status of
icons among the aristocracy in the 1850s, and that this may have spread out to
the rest of the country over time.”
Flaudette Dautuin presents a brief
but insightful account of a recent genre of mural painting developed by
Phaptawan Suwannakudt, a Thai artist married to John Clark. Suwannakudt is guided by the Buddhist idea
that the body is not a physical entity, mind is the body, and the physical is a
vessel. Influenced, further, by the Buddhist idea that form in painting is a
“vessel, in which the mind of the painter dwells,” she generates an
anti-realistic/anti-representational theory of aesthetic form. The form of water in her mural paintings does
not look like the water one sees in a river; one should “empty the visual from
eyes of flesh and see again.” The geometrical pattern of the murals might be
interpreted, in the language of Deleuze and Guattari, as the “nomadic line”.
Patrick Flores writes on paintings of
the Spanish Philippines that represented its social conditions allegorically.
Spain ruled this island for four centuries (1521-1898) and Britain for four
decades (1899-1946). The Filipinos are now economically well off, with steady
growth since World War II, and presently earning 13 billion dollars annually
through their labor abroad. But the Spanish Philippines was altogether a
different land. The suppression and humiliation of its people led to
deprivation and a “sense of the elsewhere and migrancy.” These have been configured in the paintings
of nineteenth century artists like Juan Luna.
His allegorical devices enabled him to represent mobility to evoke a
multitude of meanings beyond the anecdotes they depict and the morals they
suggest. The allegorical style has been
“at once intimate and alien, distancing and complicit” in the history of
Philippine art, with Christianity as its religious base. Flores surveys the
themes of passion, vagrancy, and mass formation. Unlike other islands in Southeast Asia, the
Philippines appear to have been exposed to modernity much earlier through its
adoption of Christian ideologies, without any reference to its earlier phases
of Brahmanism, Buddhism and Islam.
Sukla was formerly Professor and Head of the Department of English at Sambalpur
University, Visiting Professor at the Institute of Aesthetics at Uppsala
University, and Founding Editor of the Journal of
Comparative Literature and Aesthetics. He has published books and articles on philosophy of art, religion and language, and
also literary theory. His latest
publication is a monograph on the medieval Sanskrit theorist Vishvanatha
Kaviraja (Delhi: National Academy of Letters, Delhi, 2011).
Published on November 17, 2011.
 Reginald May,
The Culture of South East Asia (Delhi: National Book Trust, 1962), p. 8.
 Burma (Brahmadesa/ the land of the “Burmans”
representing the honorific epithet of the Indian ruling and warrior caste
called ksatriya), Malaya (Mallava) – may be from Malla (a wrestler) or the land from which the wind of spring called
Malaya blows, Cambodia (Kambuja desa/ the land born of a conch shell called
Kambu), Java (Yavadvipa, the land that grows barley or yava). Java might be
derived also from Javaka, an epithet of the sovereignty of Sri Vijay of
Sailendra Dynasty that ruled over the Malaya peninsula including Java and Sumatra
forming them into an integral kingdom during 8th-9th
centuries (Reginald May, The Culture of
South East Asia (Delhi: National
Book Trust, 1962), p. 80-81). So also Sumatra-Borneo (Suvarna, the
well-measured land of gold), Siam (Syama, the green land), Bali (the land of
sacrifice or the land of the demon named Bali), Campa -- Campapura, the city of
Campa (the name of an Indian flower with sweet fragrance, the name referring
also to the capital of Anga, one of the sixteen city-states that existed during
the second urbanization in the Central Gangetic plain) so on, and so forth (The Cambridge History of South East Asia,
Vol. 1, Pt. 1, Vol. II, 109, 137 ff.; Reginald
May, The Culture of South East Asia (Delhi: National Book Trust, 1962), 119).
 Reginald May, The
Culture of South East Asia, p. 85.
Cambridge History of South East Asia, Vol. 1, Part 1, p. 13.
von Humboldt, On
Language, trans. Peter Heath, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1988), p. 3.
 See Gray, R.D. and Atkinson, Q. “
Language-tree divergence times support the Anatolian theory of Indo-European
origins,” Nature, 426 (2003), 435-43.
 The Cambridge History of South East Asia,
Vol. 1, Part 1, p. 178; Vol. 2.
 Journal of Aesthetics and Art
Criticism, 65:1 (2007).
 See Ananta Sukla, Visvanatha Kaviraja (Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 2011); also Vinjamuri
K. Chari, Sanskrit Criticism (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1990).
 A note for Susan Feagin, Journal of Aesthetics and
Art Criticism, 65:1 (2007). See also Sukla, pp. 415 ff.
May, The Culture of South East Asia (Delhi: National Book Trust, 1962), p. 8.
 Ken-Ichi Sasaki,
ed., Asian Aesthetics (Singapore: Nun
Press, 2010), p. 243
 Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, 65:1 (2007), 21-30.
Vinjamuri K. Sanskrit Criticism
(Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1990).
Sushil Kumar. History of Sanskrit Poetics (Kolkata: Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, 1960).
Wilhelm von. On Language, trans.
Peter Heath, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
Aesthetics and Art Criticism,
Reginald. The Culture of South East Asia
(Delhi: National Book Trust, 1962).
Mohd Sukki. “Contributions of Translations Activities in Malay, Chinese and
Indian Civilizations,” Studies in
Literature and Language, Vol. II, No.2 (2011).
Ken-Ichi (ed.). Asian Aesthetics
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